
Increasing American Technological Independence Is a National Security Imperative
Last updated 04:18 AM EDT • Read time: 5m
The United States is engaged in an ongoing technological race with China. Rather than disabling American companies that compete with China, we should enable them. That’s why the new administration needs to rethink its technology policy — both domestically and internationally.
The scope of the technology challenge from China is comprehensive and global. Chinese hackers have infiltrated American email systems; its artificial intelligence program has borrowed from American ingenuity; and its efforts to dominate technological deployments globally are manifest. In short, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is attempting to spread its technological influence to every corner of the world — and that’s a threat to the United States.
But it isn’t one we have to take lying down. We can act thoughtfully to enable domestic industries and support their competition abroad. One case study of how this can be achieved is responding to the Chinese challenge concerning 5G deployment.
China currently dominates the 5G global industry. Huawei, a company accused by the U.S. government of having ties to the CCP and backdoors embedded within its technology, controls 30 percent of the global marketplace. By contrast, Cisco, Huawei's closest American competitor, has just a six percent share of the market.
The U.S. is partially safe from Huawei’s direct influence on our security — Congress banned the government from using Huawei’s products during President Trump’s first term. However, the threats the U.S. faces on the global stage arising from Huawei’s dominance in the rest of the world are still very real.
While America’s ban on Huawei’s products may have ensured that Americans’ data is better protected, that it isn’t enough. If Huawei’s efforts are unchecked, China will likely use its 5G dominance to control the next wave of global technological advancements, including AI and quantum computing. Countries that are dependent on China’s 5G capabilities will ultimately become economically dependent on the country and the 5G standards it will set.
More importantly, 5G is the technological backbone for artificial intelligence development, manufacturing automation, and military technology. That’s why the U.S. Department of Defense has emphasized the continued importance of 5G to maintaining military superiority. China’s supremacy in 5G deployment will likely allow it to gain decisive advantages in drone warfare, cyber warfare, and autonomous weapons development and usage.
China’s control of the 5G market might also disrupt global supply chains in the semiconductor and telecommunications industries. If China 5G becomes dominant, the U.S. and its allies may be forced to rely on Chinese-made chips and hardware. This is not a fanciful fear — Beijing has already used its tech dominance as a geopolitical lever in the past. Restricting rare earth metal exports to nations that it deems counterproductive to China’s interests (like the United States) is but one example. One can readily imagine a similar pattern of behavior in the future.
It is, therefore, essential for the U.S. to respond to this threat of Chinese control of the 5G market by ramping up its own 5G capabilities. As Rob Joyce, a former national security advisor to the President, put it: “[T]he race to dominate 5G technology is a decisive battle for economic supremacy in the 21st century.” That’s why American policymakers must pave the way for as much American competition with Huawei as possible.
Here are three easy steps the Administration can take.
First, the Department of Justice can authorize the pending merger between Hewlett-Packard Enterprises and Juniper. Their merger would create an American-run alternative to the Chinese firm on the global stage. When combined, they would be a powerful counterweight to Huawei, though still with a smaller 5G market share than their foreign competitor. Still, as the Wall Street Journal put it, the merged company would “give business customers a complete stack of technologies, including networking, router switching, storage and AI systems that no company besides China’s Huawei offers” – clearly a beneficial development.
Second, the Administration can provide grants and tax incentives to U.S. companies to develop cutting-edge 5G technologies. One specific step to consider would be the creation of a public-private 5G innovation fund to support emerging companies focusing on 5G hardware, software, and cybersecurity and military research. China spends untold billions undercutting the free marketplace by subsidizing its industries. When it comes to sectors of national security importance like this one, the U.S. government should consider responding with public investments of its own.
Third, the U.S. should coordinate with the other Five Eyes nations (Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United Kingdom) to ensure that our trade policies concerning 5G remain aligned. We need a joint approach to export controls and new international partnerships that could lend themselves to strategic diplomacy. Many hands make light work, and when dealing with geopolitical threats, the U.S. can use all the hands it can get.
Good domestic policies represent a sound starting point for containing China. The CCP’s global footprint is far more dangerous to America’s long-term security than we may realize. China likely hopes that it “can displace the U.S. as the world’s economic superpower while our cultural and political divisions tear us apart from within.” If we let that happen it will be deeply unfortunate.
Paul Rosenzweig is the Principal at Red Branch Consulting and a former Deputy Assistant Secretary for Policy at DHS. The opinions expressed here are his own.

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