America's Defense Hinges on Making It Here

When the U.S. unleashed 14 of its massive 30,000-pound Massive Ordinance Penetrator (MOP) bombs on Iran, I couldn’t help but think: we could use them all up before they can be replaced. Having spent 27 years in the Navy to include during two major wars, I’ve seen this story before—military operations often chew through hardware faster than we can keep up. The fix isn’t just more money; it’s a CHIPS Act-style plan to build what we need, here and now.

In Iraq and Afghanistan, endless deployments ground down our tanks, jets, and munitions. Parts wore out faster than we could replace them, and the strain showed. Fast forward to today: we’ve provided Ukraine with massive amounts of military equipment—artillery, drones, missiles—leaving our own reserves leaner than ever. Then there’s Israel, counting on us for arms that they’ve depleted. We’re juggling too many fires, and our current supply chain business model cannot keep pace indefinitely.

The Iran strike drove it home. Those MOP bombs need precision components—guidance kits, casings, electronics—and we don’t make enough of them domestically. Too often, we’re stuck waiting on foreign suppliers, some in places that might not stay friendly. That’s not a strategy; it’s a gamble. Recent conflicts prove we’re burning through gear at a rate we can’t sustain without a stronger homegrown base.

Here’s where the CHIPS Act shines as a model. In 2022, it tackled our reliance on foreign semiconductors with over $30 billion, kickstarting American factories and slashing our vulnerability. It’s working—new plants are humming, jobs are growing, and we’re less beholden to overseas risks. We need that same playbook for defense manufacturing. A CHIPS Act for the military would fund factories, train workers, and secure materials to churn out everything from bombs to jet engines, fast. It’s not about nostalgia for “Made in America”—it’s about being ready when the next fight comes.

Critics will balk at the price tag. Sure, it’s not cheap to rebuild a manufacturing base. But what’s the cost of being caught short? Supply chain challenges have already grounded F-35s, though no fault of any suppliers but simply because we couldn’t get parts. Meanwhile, China’s pumping out warships and missiles at a clip we’re struggling to match. A CHIPS-style investment pays off—private companies will pour in billions more, factories will hire, and we’ll save cash long-term by cutting out middlemen. This isn’t just about security; it’s an economic shot in the arm. Some major defense manufacturers are heavily investing in domestic production, but it needs investments in materials and workforce to meet the demand.

Others might say global supply chains are here to stay. They’re not wrong—until they break. Remember COVID? Factories stalled, shelves emptied, and the new car you wanted wasn’t available—at least not with all the options you desired. The aftereffects of the pandemic are still being felt in both the commercial and defense aviation supply chains.  Now picture that in wartime. Our “just-in-time” system, hopping from one foreign port to another, collapses under pressure. Domestic production isn’t optional; it’s the only way to ramp up when it counts.

The CHIPS Act didn’t mess around—it targeted key needs, funded solutions, and moved fast. We need that urgency for defense. Start with what’s running low: munitions, aircraft parts, ship components. Build the foundries and forges to make them. Train welders and machinists to replace the folks retiring out. Stockpile the raw stuff—steel, titanium, rare earths—so we’re not begging when push comes to shove.  We can’t wait.

We need smart, focused action—bring back the small shops and big plants that keep our military humming. The CHIPS Act proved it can be done: take a problem, fund it, fix it.

Lawmakers, this is your cue—write and pass a CHIPS Act for military domestic manufacturing. Our adversaries aren’t pausing. We can’t either.

Scott Gureck, a retired U.S. Navy captain, most recently served as an Executive Vice President at the U.S. Naval Institute in Annapolis, Md and president, Naval Academy Class of 1986. Military assignments include spokesman for Commander, U.S. Pacific Fleet in Pearl Harbor, U.S. Seventh Fleet in Japan, and USS Independence (CV 62) during the China-Taiwan crisis of 1996. The opinions expressed here are his own.